Tuesday, 1 November 2011

Utopia 400-6

On the doorstep of Utopia

Thus we come to the eve of the great North American election, after a decade of debate. Tomorrow Camp A or B will be installed as the new ruling authority. Their plans will be made into reality, one Utopia or the other will begin the transition from a city in speech to a city in stone – to paraphrase Plato’s comment in The Laws.

This paper has been an attempt to outline the arguments between the two Camps over how Utopia should be built. It may be taken as the introduction to a much longer volume, as each section would properly require an entire chapter and involve greater examination of what the established authors have said on the subject. Because of time and space restraints I have presented my thoughts on the matter with minimal reference to the works that helped form my opinion.

Critical Analysis

What has this got to do with Alternate Political science as a field of study?

It is a thought experiment in how we understand power. It offers two views: Camp B which is a slight exaggeration of the modern world and Camp A which pushes many aspects of society into unpopular extremes. Both examples were constructed with the aim of being credible societies that you may want to live in; as opposed to the creation of a clearly good and evil set of examples.

What I found by following the logical inference of positions for both Camps is that neither one will provide an ideal civilization if it rigidly upholds its basic ideology. In other words to provide a good society for humans Utopia must include some contradictions. Policy cannot always follow the obvious logical path from the underlying ideology through the specific issue at hand into the practical realm.



Bibliography for Utopia A or B

Bradbury, Ray. “Fahrenheit 451” Del Ray Books, 1979.

Chomsky, Norm. “Necessary Illusions; Thought Control in Democratic Societies

House of Anansi Press, 1991

Editor: Bruce, Susan. “Three Early Modern Utopias” Oxford University Press, 2008.

Editor: Fishman, Robert. “Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century” Classic Books Inc. 1977.

Editor: Freedman, Robert. “Marx on Economics” Harvest Books, 1961.

Editor: Rabinow, Paul “Ethics, Subjectivity & Truth; Essential works of Foucault

The New Press, 1997

Editor: Tucker, Robert. “The Marx-Engels Reader” W.W.Norton Company, 1978.

Editor: Pangle, Thomas. “The Laws of Plato” University of Chicago Press, 1980

Ellul, Jacques. “The Technological Society” Vintage Books Edition, 1964 (unread)

Foucault, Michel. “Dicipline & Punish” Vintage Books Edition, 1995

Franklin, Ursula. “The Real World of Technology” House of Anansi Press, 2004

Orwell, George. “1984” Penguin Books, 1989

Parijs, Philippe. “What’s wrong with a Free Lunch?” Beacon Press 2001

Saul, John. “The Unconscious Civilization” The Free Press, 1997

Utopia 400-5

Urban Planning

Along side all the talk over the institutional structure of utopia, was a debate over the physical structure. Some people, especially those in the Green Movements, claimed that the City was so bound up in the unjust social order that it must be radically altered for serious change to have a real effect. They reasoned that the capitalist system had given control of the environment to thousands of self seeking landlords, who each acted in short sighted ways, for his own profit. The result was urban disorder.

Camp-A agreed with the radicals, who wanted a strong authority to take control of city planning from the blind forces of the market. A grand plan for a sweeping change of the urban and rural landscape was laid out, according to ideas both rational and artistic. The garden city concept of Howard was combined with the high density urban towers of Le Corbusier. Some heritage buildings and small sections of towns would be spared, but most of the urban areas would be torn down and rebuilt. The new cities would be fully integrated with all the best technology, utilities and public transport. They would be built with an eye towards the eventual doubling of the population.

It was argued that building civilization from the ground up, literally, would enable values to be embedded into the physical structure of Utopia. We would not simply try to make the city more Green with small cosmetic changes, we would establish a new and better relation between man and nature. The new cities could benefit from the experience of the old, being built to take full advantage and more reasonably protect people from natural features and climate.

Camp-B flatly rejected such wild ideas. There was nothing wrong with the urban environment that regular planning mechanisms could not fix. The idea of tearing down much of civilization to rebuild it was wasteful never mind horribly expensive. Some even argued that diversity and disorder in the urban landscape were good, as they supported individuality and freedom of expression.

Technology and Technique

The basic question here is: How can we best employ technology to improve the quality of life? The answer is not simply by having the latest gadgets and allegedly most efficient devices. We must examine how we use our technology or conversely how we are used by it. Franklin talks about two types of technology: 1. Work related tools that actually make doing a job easier, like a typewriter and 2. Control related tools that let you direct how a job is done, like a computer word processing program. A certain amount of human adaptation to the machine is required in both cases. But in the first most of the technique and skill is left in the hands of the operator. While in the second there are increasingly tight restrictions as the operator must use the correct process. What this amounts to is an argument between the holistic approach to work, usually associated with craftsmen, and the specialization approach, associated with industrial assembly lines.

Camp-A considers our fascination with technology to be unhealthy. Just because a device is new it is assumed to be good and it is rushed into use. Techno-critics claim that not enough thought is given to the wide ranging social effects a product will have before it is put on the market. The market itself can be predicted to push any given technology in a way that is most profitable, not necessarily most beneficial to the population. Although only a few in Camp-A consider themselves Leudites and recommend disposing of technology, many do call for limitations to its use.

Camp-B considers the industrial revolution to be a major mark of progress. The specialization of labor is key to an advanced society and healthy economy. The scientific study of the work possesses and management technique is the road to the best way to accomplish a given task. We do not need to fear our technology, we need to embrace it. Our inventions have provided us with far greater conveniences than inconveniences.

The main concern of Camp-B is that we stay ahead of other nations in the fields of research and development.

Utopia 400-4

Who should rule Utopia?

Perhaps the most critical and certainly the most popular question, was the matter of a governing institution in the new society. For some it came as a total shock that the debate would be as far ranging as it became. Early arguments were over what kind of democratic system would be put in place. But then members of Camp-A challenged the assumption that democracy was the one best way.

Camp-A took up the position that a highly educated meritocracy would be best. The term Guardian was applied to this class of rulers, who would not stand for general elections by popular vote. Although some inspiration was drawn from Plato’s Republic and the Philosopher Kings he wrote about, no one wanted to set up a monarchy with absolute power. Guardians would receive a specialized university program to the doctoral level, with emphasis on building a broad knowledge base and critical thinking skills, before allowing specialization in a given field. Extensive testing and psychological examinations would help weed out the unfit. Although Guardians would have serious authority they would not hold permanent posts of power. There would be open internal elections among the Guardians to fill various offices every five years.

Part of the reasoning behind this position was the argument that most modern policy was debated in the public, set by a few elected elites in private, and then put into effect by the unelected civil service. Democracy had very little impact on any end result. Typically leaders paid attention to public opinion polls so they could promises to give the people what they wanted. Unfortunately many leaders did not consider their real ability to deliver on the promises before they made them. The aim of the Guardians was to take politics; the bickering, back stabbing, fight for elected offices and the compromising manipulative method of policy formation out of governing. The people would be encouraged to make their desires known in official opinion surveys. These statements of public will, would be taken into consideration by the Guardians but would not be binding.

The idea of unelected officials upset many in the USA but did not seem odd to Canadians. They were accustomed to having an appointed Senate and Supreme Court, as well as appointed Cabinet Ministers who were in charge of governmental departments. Although it was fond of its democratic tradition, Canada actually functioned with a large body of unelected officials holding substantial power.

Camp-B was horrified by the idea of an unelected ruling body. They stressed the importance of democracy and called for more of it. The flaws they recognized in the modern system could be overcome by reforms to the electoral system and the rules of government structure. Ideas for direct democracy were strongly suggested, although not considered practical, they did push forward the Public Involvement Referendum plan. As part of expanded democracy, PIR aimed to have several issues each year placed before a public vote, at both the local and national level. Various plans to deal with a given issue would be announced a month in advance of the vote. The government would then be required to implement the people’s choice. Of course there was also the less popular idea of promoting election participation by issuing a fine to those who did not go vote.

One popular proposal for democratic reform called for an election every year, and thus the creation of a permanent department of electoral affairs, which would also handle the PIR votes. In year 1 the President: head of state, would be elected. In year 2 members of the Commons: the representative body of the population at large, would stand for election. In year 3 the Senate: the body representing territorial districts, would hold election of its members. Year 4 would see the election of other top officials, like Supreme Court Judges. Then the cycle would start over again. Thus all would serve for a four year term and face a fixed date election. There would be no maximum for the number of terms one could hold an office.

The cornerstone of expanded democracy was public involvement, even if it was only in an advisory capacity to an official government agency. As the right to rule rests with the people, they should be as involved as possible in their country.

Along with the multitude of citizen-civil service comities, came the idea of Community NGOs (Non Governmental Organizations) being established to deal with local issues. Alex De Tocqueville’s view of early 1800s America was quite inspirational in this regard. As he said: “If people see a problem they should do something to fix it, not wait around for the government to take care of it.” Camp-B’s libertarian legal reforms would allow the flexibility for this sort of activity.

Citizenship

How are we to understand the place of people in the new society? This question came out of a clash between views about the rights and responsibilities of citizenship vs. universal human rights. Philosophers categorized the matter as follows:

Citizen Rights must be respected by the state at all times. Citizen Privileges may be extended or withheld by the state according to reasonable justification. Citizen Duties must be performed when called for; failure to do so is a crime. Citizen Responsibilities are more flexible; failure to carry them out may result in a penalty, such as the suspension of a privilege, but is not considered criminal. In a similar way we may also understand the relationship between humans.

Camp-A considered it a weak point of modern society that most of the focus was on Rights, with little to be said about Duties. Everyone wanted to have their rights protected and expanded but no one wanted to be told that they had a duty to perform. This was considered a prime example of rationalizing selfish human nature. Thus a new charter was drafted following the RPDR formula. It spelled out what Rights, Privileges, Duties and Responsibilities one would have as both a citizen and as a human being, no allowance was made for special group status.

Camp-B considered the development of rights and freedoms to be going just fine. The debate with in this camp was over priority being given to individual or group rights. Good arguments were made for both sides, but in the end a charter was drafted allowing group rights but giving priority to universal individual rights. Talk of privileges and duties was dismissed as attempts to limit people.

Multiculturalism

Linked to the questions of citizenship was the matter of multiculturalism; most specifically the issue of promoting or limiting diversity. The modern assumption that plurality is good was challenged by those who thought culture, like religion, should be a privet matter kept at home. In the interests of efficiency and national harmony, it was argued that an official monoculture should be developed.

Camp-A supported the idea of national harmony. It offered a revival of the melting pot model, calling for a careful study of what should go into an official culture. “Strength through unity” was a popular slogan, although it frightened some people. The debate with in the Camp was actually over the amount of support or neutrality the state should show. Some called for a strong national culture, complete with history, religion, language, folklore, festivals, etc. Other cultures would be tolerated if they kept quiet. A second group wanted a hyper-neutral official culture that would tolerate everyone equally and offend no one.

Camp-B supported the idea of plurality as part of its strong belief in freedom. Everyone should have as much freedom of expression as possible. Any form of censorship is unwelcome. Although some favored official neutrality when it came to matters of religion and culture, the more popular position was that of promotion of diversity. According to this policy the state would take an active role in sponsoring equally all credible cultural events and major religious festivals. It would promote not merely tolerance but acceptance and understanding.

The more hard nosed of Camp-B, who support the idea that conflict is good because it promotes progress, looked at diversity in a similar light. They argued that a plurality of cultures would serve as the best resource base to innovative ideas. They said that a monoculture would not only generate resistance, it would cause stagnation.

Education

Also linked to the question “what sort of people shall live in utopia?” was the issue of education. Most critics of the standard system claimed that it was ineffective; graduates were alternately viewed as under skilled and over educated. This was taken to mean that students were not learning the right things in school. But what exactly was missing? Some of the insightful commentators observed that critical thinking was a dead art, even among university level students. Change was called for, but there was serious disagreement over what the focus and method of education in Utopia should be.

Camp-A saw education as a basic right, to be provided by the State to all for free. Education was also seen as a way to shape the minds of the youth, to produce good citizens. Going to school would be mandatory; there would be no home schooling. The policy of molding young minds was compared by some to the advice Plato and Aristotle offered on education, although others called it brainwashing. The supporters of the policy stressed that it would provide a broad basis of knowledge and allow students to better think for themselves, within the frame work of the new ideology. Although they were some calls for skill oriented education, the majority involved with the parent teacher committee wanted to see a holistic approach to learning installed. Job skills should be learned on the job they argued, school should provide life skills.

Camp-B saw education as one of the services best handled by the privet sector. Thus the state would change its role in the system to that of a standards regulating body. All schools would be privet, home schools would be allowed, standardized tests would be required once each year. If a significant number of students in a school failed for two consecutive years the school would lose its license. So long as national minimums were met, each school was allowed to set its curriculum as it wished. To help those who chose to home school, the state would offer a free on-line data base of information and teaching tips. To preserve the right to education, for those who could not afford it, schools would be required, as part of their license agreement, to provide a number of scholarship seats.

Utopia 400-3

Addressing Marx’s claim about social structure

In the decade of debate, the question of social superstructure was inevitably raised. The Marxist claim that ideas and institutions of a society: its ideology, worked to support the underlying economic forms: exploitative practices, could not be ignored. Did the modern liberal democracy with its free market act as a tool to oppress the majority: the workers, for the benefit of the minority: the capital owner?

Camp-A supported the accusation wholeheartedly. Although many of its intellectuals quickly proclaimed that they were not endorsing communism. They did offer various socialist models for the new society, in which the state would act to ensure that exploitations were minimized, while still enabling people to do business and make money. “We may set limits on the market and how rich you can get, but we do not want to totally dismantle capitalism in the quest for equality. If you want to improve your life above the average you will have the right to do so, assuming you don’t abuse anyone to get what you want.” said an economics spokesman for Camp-A.

Camp-B rejected the Marxist accusation as tired old intellectualism. The market offered opportunities for everyone to freely engage in arrangements that were mutually beneficial. Under modern liberal democratic law, no one was forced into a situation of exploitation. “The forces of supply and demand regulate the working environment, not some conspiratorial gang of capitalists. Anyhow, our ideology is about freedom not oppression.” said a financial expert from Camp-B.

The question of “real” freedom & equality

Coming out of the debate over Marxist claims was the pointed question about formal freedoms vs. actual opportunities. Camp-A argued that the right to a thing did not guarantee you actually got the thing. They pointed to the frequent accounts of people being forced into inhumane work because of situational pressures, as an inconsistency in freedom theory. Said people enjoyed legal protection form exploitation, but they had no effective way to avoid being exploited. They voluntarily took low pay, no security, jobs because they had to put food on the table.

Camp-A intellectuals pushed for real equality of opportunities. In the economic realm this meant having guaranteed safety net, a minimum basic income; so that people could refuse work they deemed unfit, without suffering the consequences that would normally drive them to take any job they could get. In essence Camp-A wanted to invert the traditional labor market relationship. Normally the pool of workers is large and the number of available jobs small, thus the advantage lies with the employer and wages stay low. (Except in some highly skilled jobs where they are not many qualified workers) In this setting competition between workers for jobs acts to the benefit of capital and to the detriment of labor. Under a basic guaranteed income system, the employer would find workers more demanding when they negotiate their terms of employment.

Camp-B reactions to the radical notions of a guaranteed income were built on two arguments; 1. People should not get something for nothing. 2. Giving people a free lunch would destroy the work ethic. As an important subset of the first argument, the question of how to pay for such a scheme was raised.

A basic principle in Camp-B held that an individual should not be forced to contribute to any social programs. Of course they may do so if they wished. The state should minimize taxation and involvement, allowing individuals to succeed or fail on their own merits. As to the second argument about degradation of the work ethic, fear of economic disruption loomed large. Without the traditional model of labor relations, it was reasoned, inflation would sky rocket: as worker’s demands for higher wages were met, prices would have to increase to protect profit margins.

The “real” freedom and equality issue was not limited to economics. The notion that all people are equal before the law was called into question. Certainly it was a formal truth, but in actual practice a rich man had the advantage because he could hire investigators, lawyers and expert witnesses. All people were entitled to a fair trial but the real situation was sometimes very unfair, especially in matters of civil suit where a person faced a corporation. Thus Camp-A developed a proposal for “legal-care” a system in which everyone paid the same fee for a layer who was randomly chosen from the pool of available, qualified talent. It was compared to a hospital visit under medic-care, in which you would see a doctor, but you had no control over which doctor you got. Some members of Camp-B mocked the idea and pointed to the obscenely long waiting room times in Canadian hospitals. The response from Camp-A was an affirmation to improve the medical system.

Refinement of Economic Plans

As the decade of debate went on both Camps produced more documents about how to build the Utopia they wanted. Economic ideas were frequently picked at in great detail. Of course many items could only be debated in abstract as the full effects could not be known unless the plan was put into effect. Both camps claimed that the free market would continue and that privet property would be respected. Although Camp-A was full of socialist ideas, it did not seriously want a communist society or planned economy.

Camp-A announced that the market would continue to exist but it would not be the free-market, as an institution who’s freedom was more important that the health and welfare of the people. Reasonable limits would be set on profit making for both individuals and corporations, as part of the plan to reduce the wealth gap.

Companies who did not like the new rules of the game were free to depart, but they would face the prospect of being denied access to the market place of the nation. The market would no longer be free in terms of unrestricted rights for companies to do business.

A corporation listed as “unfriendly” would face tariffs or exclusion, under a comprehensive examination of ownership review. The examination would primarily look for names of stock holders and compare them to those on the unfriendly list, so that a company could not simply change its name and reorganize, then do business as usual. At the end of the day a corporation is only a fiction, it is the people involved in it that matter. Thus it was argued, that to be effective economic policy laws must aim at the owners not at the shell.

The UCPP (Universal Citizen Payment Plan)

The plan of a guaranteed income allowed the replacement of several existing social services: welfare, unemployment insurance and old age pensions, which were all rolled into the UCPP. As a universal plan there was no longer a need for a large bureaucracy of case workers to keep track of the participants. Each citizen would be given a bank account with the Central State Bank and the payment would automatically be deposited on the first of each month. For the most part the system could be automated. The exact amount of income would be calculated per region, to provide a subsistence level. If a person valued his free time most of all, he would be able to live without work. But for most people, who enjoyed the things money can buy, the UCPP allowed them to work as much or as little as they chose. However it should be pointed out that, like many aspects of Camp-A’s platform, the UCPP is a privilege not a right. Certain requirements are attached to it; they are considered your civil responsibilities as a good citizen.

Camp-B affirmed its belief in a free competitive market. The state’s role was declared to be minimal, based on two principles. First the notion of safety standards, so that all products and services are certified fit for the public. Second the notion of anti-monopoly regulations, to prevent any single companies or small oligarchy, from dominating any given field. A third principle, although not designed as an economic policy, was the reduction in government size. This entailed massive privatization of the public services. The right to work hard, be inventive and get rich was entrenched alongside the sacred right to privet property.

The main point of reform over the old economic policy was strict anti-monopoly laws, aimed at providing real competition between corporations and the opportunity for small businesses to prosper in local areas. This initiative, although not popular with most of the corporate elite, was hugely supported by the grass roots groups who wanted a return to “small town America life”.

Minimum Wage and ELC ( Emergency Line of Credit )

After much debate it was decided that 40 hours of work at minimum wage must provide enough income for subsistence level. Thus the basic wage was linked to the poverty line, which was subject to annual review. This policy caused little surprise compared to the rest of the plan, which called for the dismantling of most existing social services including: welfare, unemployment insurance and old age security. The ELC would act as a replacement aid system for people down on their luck. Only those who met certain requirements, proof of need, would be eligible. The ELC would allow an individual to draw on a State held line of credit, up to a set amount per month, at a reasonable interest rate. The credit could be repaid with cash or by community service work. The logic of the ELC is that people should not get free hand outs, but they are entitled as responsible citizens to borrow from the State. The beauty of the ELC is that it is not a continuous drain on government funds.

Utopia 400-2

The Question of Human Nature

Any social structure must be founded on an idea of what people are like. Classic thinkers have asked: Are humans mostly good or evil? If people are good then laws and controls can be few. If people are evil then the state must work hard to keep peace and order. Modern thinkers have rejected such simple terms in favor of more descriptive psychological character analysis. However the basic premise remains. The type of people you have will influence the fundamental structure of society. Both Camps A and B have an outlook on humanity based on the same model, but their understanding is quite opposite to each other.

Camp-A sees people as rationalizing selfish actors. This is not a good thing. Although selfish behavior can produce beneficial results, on the average its effects are detrimental for society. Thus the state should act to limit or compensate for the negative natural traits in humanity. The term “rationalizing individual” refers to people’s tendency to make a choice based on desire then to construct a set of reasons as to why their choice is good or necessary. The intellectuals of Camp-A reject the claim that people act logically. They point to the advertising industry and the consumer economy as evidence that people follow desire more than reason or that they are easily manipulated.

Camp-B sees people as rational self-interested actors. This is a good thing because it is a natural thing. The desire for self preservation and improvement drives all advances, although it may cause inconveniences to some, its net effects are beneficial to society. Thus the state should, for the most part, not interfere in the activities of people. The intellectuals of Camp-B continue to hold to the notion that people do make rational choices, more critically they do not see conflict as a bad thing. They agree with Kant that the unsociable qualities of humanity actually drive progress.

The Four Categories of Virtue

The debate on Human Nature quickly dragged ancient philosophers out into the light of day. One of the most popular frameworks for understanding the issue was the neo-Platonic scale of virtue:

Gold – help others. Do for them as you wish they would do for you.

Silver – do not harm others. Do not do to one, what you do not wish to suffer.

Bronze – use people but treat them fairly. Give equal pay for equal work.

Iron – use people as disposable tools. Get as much as you can for as little as necessary.

Both gold and silver ranks are considered personal ethics. The gold rank is most noble, but lest common. Both bronze and iron are considered public-workplace ethics. The iron rank is most efficient but lest humane.

Camp-A argued that the state can not legislate personal ethics; it can not make people helpful. But it can and should regulate public conduct; restricting the harm people do each other and requiring fairness in official relations. The state can not stop people from being greedy but it can act to limit the harmful effects of greed.

Camp-B argued that the entire matter of ethics was a privet one. The state should not make laws according to any preferences of virtue, which were purely subjective. The state must provide freedom. No one should be forced into an unfair situation, but if they voluntarily enter into one, it is their own business.

Crime and Punishment

Whatever one thinks of human nature, the empiric evidence of history tells us that people commit crimes. If an official system of law and order does not exist to deal with the offences, a privet system of vendetta violence will emerge. Foucault offers us a good account of this subject in his book Discipline and Punish. A major point that he brings up is the aim of punishment. He claims that the socially useful function of any punishment should be to dissuade repetition by the individual and imitation by others. This view is generally accepted by both Camps, but each has a slightly different view of how to deal with the issue best.

Camp-A supports the idea that criminals should be punished not reformed. Although circumstances can be a contributing factor to crime, in the end it is a choice made by an individual to take an action that is explicitly prohibited. This view is based on the understanding of Human Nature as rationalizing and selfish. Thus if he is found guilty of willfully committing a crime, his sentence must be a harsh example for himself and for others. Helping him fit back into society after the punishment should be considered as an important but separate issue.

Of great concern to Camp-A is the question of exactly what punishments are best. The current prison system is argued to be ineffective and costly. Prisoners should not simply be guests of the state waiting for release back into society. If they are to be confined for any extensive period, they must be made to serve some social use. Anyhow a single punishment for all crimes is not appropriate. As Foucault suggested, we need an efficient penalty that leaves a lasting impression in the mind of the criminal and with the public. It would be best if the punishment was poetically fitting for the crime, so that one could not help but think of the penalty as one thought of committing the crime.

Camp-B supports the idea that criminals should be reformed not tormented.

This position is based on the data that shows most crime to be the result of psychological problems, often combined with circumstances that offer the person little choice but to commit an offence. Thus to a certain degree the criminals are victims, who need counseling not punishment.

The prison system should not be understood as punishment by incarceration. The current model is rejected by Camp-B as expensive and ineffective. Criminals will be held so they do not pose a danger to society, but that is not the main function of a new-prison. Reforming the criminal is the goal. Thus they are released in accordance with their performance in the reform process, not according to a set amount of time served. When a criminal is convicted, no one can say for sure how long he will be in prison for. If a criminal is found to be beyond reformation, then swift execution is the sentence.

Is Big Brother watching?

This question is directly related to the issue of crime. Modern experience proves that surveillance does not stop crime, but it does make catching and prosecuting the criminal easier. The use of surveillance systems will almost certainly increase in both Utopia models, the question is: How much should the state watch us? Clearly no one likes the idea presented by Orwell in his book 1984. Nevertheless public safety is a critical issue, especially in times of real or perceived danger.

Camp-A security experts claim that the state should have efficient and effective means of watching all public places. To avoid the Orwellian fear of Big Brother, no surveillance will be required in privet homes. Also police patrols will be made visible and as friendly as possible. It will be a civic responsibility to cooperate fully with any lawful requests made by a police officer. The privilege of privacy is protected, but it should not serve as a shield for criminals. Thus the police will have the power to access any recording device or conduct a search, if they suspect a crime is taking place.

Camp-B members maintain that privacy is a right not merely a privilege. They strongly believe that the state should not have any integrated surveillance systems and that the police must use formal warrants to access private sources of data or to conduct searches. The state must not have the authority or even the ability to commit arbitrary surveillance on its people. The key role of recording devices is for privet security and insurance validation in the event of a crime.

Utopia 400-1

Genealogy of Utopias A & B

In terms of time and technology the Utopias A and B are set in the near future, with no assumptions made about new inventions. The technology and techniques of today may be pushed into more common use or discouraged, but neither Utopia requires miracle machines to make it work.

In terms of geography my original idea involved only Canada as the setting. But upon consideration of the international consequences of either Utopia (especially A) it became clear that a wider scope would be necessary. Thus I involve all of North America because it offers all the qualities needed: population, land area, resources, industry, etc. We may consider this an extension of NAFTA and NORAD.

The Transition

A few years from now there comes an event of staggering significance. It causes the intellectuals and common peoples of North America to seriously question all aspects of society. It is monumental enough that even the elite, with their vested interests in the traditional civil institutions, are open to questioning the status quo. In simple terms attention is devoted to seriously addressing the question: Are we doing things the right way to provide the best life possible for the most people? The result of all this civil soul searching is the emergence of two camps who offer visions of the future.

Camp-A. They identified society’s problems as fundamentally systemic. They claimed everything we have been doing was wrong. Our social institutes promote inequality and injustice more often than the virtues they were supposed to uphold. The intellectuals of Camp-A offered detailed criticisms of what was wrong by comparing intended outcomes of political policy and organizational activity with actual outcomes.

The solution called for was a radical restructuring of society, not only its institutions but also its physical form. This earned the Camp the titles Radical and Revolutionary. Indeed their plans were essentially a holistic change to civilization. Among the supporters were many who favored socialist policies and distributive equality.

“In examining modern life, we find that many activities run counter to what most people express as their desires for a good life, we find that endless tinkering and band-aid solutions simply do not work. We need serious change!” said a leading spokesman for Camp-A. His point was that people do not have enough of the things they value most: freedom, equality, security, justice.

Camp-A theorists pushed for rational and logical social science. Efficiency should rule all matters they said. The artistic community countered that pure logic was not enough to make a world worth living in. Efficiency could set general patterns, but rules must be flexible to consider individual context. Nevertheless there was agreement over the basic principle: to provide the best quality of life for all, even at the expense of some.

Camp-B. They identified society’s problems as a failure to live up to desired standards. They claim that we are a shadow of what we should be. Not that we were doing everything wrong, but rather that we were not doing things as well as we might. We need not be anything different, we simply must push towards being more of what we are: a free market, liberal, democratic society.

The solution call for was an extensive modification to various institutions, but no fundamental change was desired. This earned the Camp the title Moderate Reformers. Indeed part of their popularity came from the fact that the improvements were not frightening. Among the supporters were many libertarians who favored reduced government involvement in all aspects of life. “We have liberty, democracy and the free market; we simply need to refine them. Radical change would inevitably reduce some of these valued qualities.” said a major figure in Camp B. His point was that society had not lived up to the ideals it held, but that it was on the right path. The radical ideas of the other camp were going too far.

Camp-B theorists rejected the Nanny State approach, because its overall effect was to make people less able to think and take care of themselves. They also found that many laws, made to protect people, actually limited them. As part of the libertarian legal reform, they promoted laws that would have people face more situations free of both restrictions and protections.

Utopia 400-0

Utopia A or B

Two visions for the future

by Mike Mercer

( This is a reprint of my paper for a class in political theory at Concordia University )

POLI 490 Q

Prof. Daniel Salee

April 22, 2010


Table of Contents:

Introduction

1. Genealogy of Utopias A & B

The Transition

2. The Question of Human Nature

The Four Categories of Virtue

Crime and Punishment

Is big brother watching?

3. Addressing Marx about social structure

The question of “real” freedom

Economic Plans

4. Who should rule Utopia?

Citizenship

Multiculturalism

Education

5. Urban Planning

Technology and Technique

6. On the doorstep of Utopia

Critical Analysis


Introduction

This paper aims to examine the structure of power in two theoretical settings, Utopias A and B, which are in the process of being formed. It is taken as a foundational principle that all societies need some sort of civil control, anarchy is not an option. The sort of control used will depend on the society type. The more free a state aims to be, the more minimal and or subtle the civil controls. Utopia A will be an authoritarian state that acts in a blunt way to provide stability and happiness to its people. It is willing to limit individual liberties for the common good. Its social controls are clear and numerous. Utopia B will be a libertarian state that loves Freedom, Democracy and Capitalism. In many ways it is what America claims to be. Thus it must use subtle methods of social control.

My thoughts on the issue of population control and society management have been influenced by several sets of authors: Plato, Foucault, Marx, Tocqueville and Chomsky, who are well known to have written on politics, power and the construction of society. Also of note are: More, Bacon, Neville, Orwell and Bradbury, who offered accounts of fictional societies; Utopias and in some cases their dark opposites. Next I want to give credit to: Howard, Wright and Le Corbusier, who were architects and urban planners with ideas of physical utopias. Finally I want to point to Ellul, Saul and Franklin, who wrote about how technology has affected real society.

Introduction

Welcome to this exploration of a North American Utopia.

Of course the word 'utopia' should not be considered in its pure form 'a perfect unchanging paradise' but rather in the context of a 'better place' or 'the best place we can build, given the natural tendencies of human nature.' This is what I'm talking about in this examination of building a utopia.

The project dates from April 2010, when I wrote a paper for a 400 level class in political theory at Concordia University. Although I have thought about the various component parts of the situation, that paper was the first serious holistic work I did on Utopia. Since then I have been researching and commenting on the many social, political and economic issues that need to be addressed.

This blog is being assembled to present an examination of the issues along with possible solutions. It is being placed into the context of a debate between two political camps A and B, each promoting their view of what utopia should be like. A few months ago I would have called the project fiction, because the idea of a serious debate, leading to real large scale change to our social structure was unlikely. However will the current world wide protests, linked to the Occupy Wall Street movement, and the possible economic disaster, linked to the debt loads of many nations, I feel that the shock required to get the establishment open to real debate and real change may be close at hand.